The Husia teaches that we must emulate the excellence of our ancestors, studytheir wise teachings, great works and good deeds in everyday life, and struggle toembody and add to the legacy they've left. It states that the wisdom of theancestors are "teachings for life, instructions for well-being and flourishing, fordirecting one on the path of life and causing one to flourish on earth." And we areto "love learning, seek after truth," and constantly bring forth that which is usefulfor the people and the future.--[Maulana Karenga, "The Sacred Narrative Of Africans", Los Angeles Sentinel,11-14-13, pp.6-7 ]---------------"No one man has the solution to themultitude of problems that confront us as arace of people."--"Youth Perspective on the 7th PAC"by NSAJIGWA ISUBHA-GWAMAKA, <b.1964>, (1994)on behalf of SISI KWA SISI, Mbeya, Tanzania.--------------------------------ForewordWe need to study the lessons of the Pan-Africanism Movement of the last two centuries,develop its good points and discard its mistakes. One of the most tempting mistakes forsectarian minds is to think that any one person has the solution to the multitude ofproblems that confront us as a race of people. Certainly not Du Bois, certainly notNkrumah; and not even Garvey the Great, was able to display that humanly impossibleomniscience. This anthology aims to help correct that mistake by showing us a sample ofthe range of wise thoughts that have emerged from the many different terrains of the Pan-African struggle for liberation from slavery, colonialism, neo-colonialism and racism.2As these selections show, much intellectual work has been done by Pan-Africanistthinkers in the two centuries since 1791. However, their work has not been collected andmade available for tackling the many tasks of Pan-Africanism.As these selections show, useful insights have been supplied into such nitty-grittyissues as mental independence; "Independence or death"; criticism and self-criticism; the(Black) Race First principle; racial honor, racial self-reliance, racial unity, racialsolidarity, racial privacy; our implacable white enemies—Arab and European; economicdecolonization; cultural liberation; Afrocentric education; Black power; leadership andfollowership; war; charity; propaganda; polygyny; racism/Negrophobia; Marxism andblacks; re-Africanization; Afrocentrism; people's democracy; Black African weaknesses;the Pan-African Congress; the national army; collective security; cultural renaissance; thelure of Marxism; integrating ancestral African values into contemporary African life; raceand class; the one-drop-rule; justified prejudice; the extermination of the Black race;Negrocentricity; scientific socialism; communalism; socialism and racism; ethnofederalism,ethnic autonomy and African unity; Kwanzaa and unity; Diaspora-Homelandrelations; and much else.These are some of the nitty-gritty issues we must grapple with, the engineeringdetails we must think through, if we are to move beyond the affirmation of loftysentiments and vague ambitions, and actually get down to building the structures forattaining the objectives of Pan-Africanism.I urge other Black African scholars to contribute to this effort by searching through thePan-Africanist literature and compiling anthologies of the wisdom they find therein.Then, the next generation of Pan-Africanists will have anthologies to educate them on thetenets and ideas and best practices of Pan-Africanism, and so be spared the misfortune ofintellectual orphans who start out in a vacuum of ideas, as if they have no heritage todraw from.Please Note: This is a work in progress. I shall continue to add to it as I find more wordsof Pan-Africanist wisdom. So, treat this as a preliminary report.The dates in the format < 19xy-19xz > are the dates, if known, of the person quoted; thedate in the format (19yy) is the date, if known, of the statement just quoted.Chinweizu's commentaries are in red bold italics. They are comments or bald statementsor summaries of positions that, when the anthology is completed, will be argued anddemonstrated in mini essays. Some of these comments elaborate on, and some amend, thequoted statement.--Chinweizu---------------------------------------------------------------Section AExamples of ideas (principles, doctrines and tasks) formulated by Black thinkers asthe lessons from the rich experience of Black struggles against imperialism, slavery,colonialism, racism and neo-colonialism, both in Black Africa and the diaspora.3In the last two centuries of Black peoples' struggles against imperialism, racism,enslavement, colonialism and neo-colonialism, many doctrines and principles havebeen formulated and various tasks have been set that capture the lessons of theliberation experience. Since they are derived from the practice of Black Africanliberation, and are guides to the practice of Black African liberation, these ideasbelong among the resources of a Pan-Africanism whose project is the liberation ofblack Africans, whether or not their articulators were avowed Pan-Africanists. Theyshould be harvested and used to equip the minds of Pan-Africanists. Below are a few:A1] Boukman's call:"Throw away the symbol of the god of the whites who has so often causedus to weep, and listen to the voice of liberty, which speaks in the hearts ofus all."--[Boukman, <d. 1791>, (1791), quoted in C.L.R. James, Black Jacobins,p. 87]---------------------------------------A2] "the most potent weapon in the hands of the oppressor is the mind of theoppressed."--[Steve Biko, <1946-1977> (ca. 1971), "I Write What I Like" p. 68]----------------------------------------A3] "Black people reject this [Bantustan idea fundamentally because] . . .it is asolution given to us by the same [white] people who have created theproblem. . . and [Blacks] are beginning to rid their minds of imprisoningnotions which are the legacy of the control of their attitudes by whites."--[ Biko, <1946-1977>, (ca. 1971), "I Write What I Like" pp. 82, 68]------------------------------------------A4] "in order to feature well in this game of power politics, [we Blacks] haveto use the concept of group power and build a strong foundation for this"--[ Biko, <1946-1977>, (1971), "I Write What I Like" p.68]------------------------------------------A5] On our racial privacy:a) "We demand complete control of our social institutions withoutinterference by any alien race or races."--[UNIA, "Declaration of Rights of the Negro peoples of the world", 1920,P&O, II: 140]-----------------------------------b) ". . . give the Negro race of Africa a chance to develop unhindered by otherraces."--[Resolution of the 1st Pan-African Congress, (1919)]---------------------------------------4A6] On practice of racial privacy by firmly excluding all whites from our group:As Dessalines put it"What have we in common with that bloody-minded people? Theircruelties compared to our moderation –their color to ours—the extensionof the seas which separate us—our avenging climate—all plainly tell usthey are not our brethren; that they will never become such. And if theyfind asylum among us, they will still be the instigators of our troubles andour divisions."--[Dessalines, <d.1806>, (1804), quoted in Jacob Carruthers, IrritatedGenie, p. 124]----------------------------------A7] Black/Sub-Sahara Africa as the Africa of Pan-Africanism:a) Garvey's United States of Black Africa.It is for you to decide; it is for the British government to decide; it is forthe French government to decide, it is for the governments of Belgiumalso and of Portugal and of Spain, all in conference with us, to decide whatpart of Africa they will place at the disposal of the natives so that they canlive in peace in their own native land. . . . There are certain parts of Africain which you cannot live at all; now it is for you to come together and giveus a United States of Black Africa.–[Marcus Garvey, <1887-1940>, (1928), "Speech at Royal Albert Hall" ,London, June 6, 1928. See John Henrik Clarke, ed. Marcus Garvey andthe Vision of Africa, p. 297]b) Sub-Sahara/Black Pan-Africanism--Du Bois' advice to Nkrumah:" Ghana must on the contrary be the representative of Africa, and not onlythat, but of Africa below the Sahara desert. . . . Ghana should lead amovement of black men for Pan-Africanism, including periodicconferences and personal contacts of black men from the Sahara to theIndian Ocean. . . . a new series of Pan-African Congresses should be held;. . . The new series of Pan-African Congresses would seek common aimsof progress for Black Africa. . . . I pray you, my dear Mr. Nkrumah, to useall your power to put a Pan-Africa along these lines into working order atthe earliest possible date"---[Du Bois, <1868-1963>, (1957), in "Letter to Nkrumah", (March 1957),in The World and Africa, pp. 295, 296, 297]--------------------Du Bois was being historically correct in urging a Black or Sub-Sahara Pan-Africanism. The captives transported from Africa to the Americas were Negroes, and5they had been procured from Sub-Sahara Africa. The Trans-Atlantic slave ships calledonly at the Sub-Sahara coasts of Africa. They did not call at the Mediterranean coastof North Africa or at the Atlantic coast of Morocco. They did not procure and transportany whites—Arabs or Europeans-- only Negroes. Hence the ancestors of the African-American Diaspora did not include Arabs, but were only Negroes from Sub-SaharaAfrica. Hence the homeland of the diaspora Africans is not thewhole continent but only Sub-Sahara Africa. And that is thecorrect Africa of Pan-Africanism.But, for reasons best known to himself, (possibly the strong blancophilia—aspiration to whiteness--that also manifested in his choice of white Arab and very lightoctoroon-type African mothers for his children, and in his marked preference for closewhite advisers and white personal assistants when he could have had Ghanaians orother black Africans in those intimate positions) Nkrumah disregarded this historicallysound advice from the founder of the Pan-African Congress, and proceeded toinaugurate a multi-racial, Afro-Arab, whole-Continent brand of Pan-Africanism. Infact, but for their refusal to attend his 1958 Conference of Independent African States(CIAS), even the European whites of Apartheid South Africa would have beenincluded in Nkrumah's strange brand of anti-colonialist Pan-Africanism. Manyconfusions have been spawned by this multiracial Continentalism: such as BlackDiasporans defending our white Arab enemies (such as Gadafi and his Libyan Arabs)who are white settlers occupying North Africa, on the ground that they live in Africaand therefore are Africans and of legitimate concern to Pan-Africanism. Which is likePan-Africanism defending the Boers—the European settler-colonialists who occupySouth Africa.--Chinweizuc) Nyerere on Sub-Sahara Pan-Africanism:[emphases, in bold italics added by Chinweizu]And the new leadership of Africa will have to concern itself with thesituation in which it finds itself in the world of tomorrow —in the world ofthe 21st century. And the Africa I'm going to be talking about, is Africasouth of the Sahara, Sub-Sahara Africa. I'll explain later the reason whyI chose to concentrate on Africa south of the Sahara. . . . Europe, WesternEurope, is very wealthy. It has two Mexicos. One is Eastern Europe. . . .Europe has a second Mexico. And Europe's Second Mexico is NorthAfrica. North Africa is to Europe what Mexico is to the United States.North Africans who have no jobs will not go to Nigeria, they'll be thinkingof Europe or the Middle East, because of the imperatives of geography6and history and religion and language. North Africa is part of Europe andthe Middle East.Nasser was a great leader and a great African leader. I got onextremely well with him. Once he sent me a Minister, and I had a longdiscussion with his Minister at State House here [Dar-es-Salaam], and inthe course of the discussion, the Minister says to me, "Mr. President this ismy first visit to Africa". North Africa, because of the pull of theMediterranean and I say history and culture, and religion, North Africa ispulled towards the North. When North Africans look for jobs they go toWestern Europe and Southern Western Europe, or they go to the MiddleEast. . . .Africa, South of the Sahara is different, totally different. . . . AfricaSouth of the Sahara is isolated. That is the first point I want to make.Africa South of the Sahara is totally isolated in terms of that configurationof developing power in the world of the 21st Century — on its own. Thereis no centre of power in whose self-interest it's important to developAfrica, no centre. Not North America, not Japan, not Western Europe.There's no self-interest to bother about Africa South of the Sahara. AfricaSouth of the Sahara is on its own. Na sijambo baya. Those of you whodon't know Swahili, I just whispered, "Not necessarily bad". That's thefirst thing I wanted to say about Africa South of the Sahara. Africanleadership, the coming African leadership, will have to bear that in mind.You are on your own . . .The second point about Africa and again I am talking about AfricaSouth of the Sahara; it is fragmented, fragmented. . . . Africa south of theSahara is isolated. Therefore, to develop, it will have to depend upon itsown resources basically. Internal resources, nationally; and Africa willhave to depend upon Africa. The leadership of the future will have todevise, try to carry out policies of maximum national self-reliance andmaximum collective self-reliance. They have no other choice. . . .Thesmall countries in Africa . . .should come together. . . . If we can't move7towards bigger nation-states, at least let's move towards greater cooperation.This is beginning to happen. And the new leadership in Africashould encourage it."---[Nyerere, <1922-1999>, (1997), excerpt from his 75th BirthdayCelebration speech, Dec 1997. In Reflections on Leadership in Africa –Forty Years After Independence, ed. by Haroub Othman, Brussels: VUBUniversity Press, 2000, pp. 17-24]----------------------As we can see, Garvey and Du Bois were both agreed on Sub-Sahara/Black Africa asthe Africa of Pan-Africanism. But Nkrumah, for reasons still undetermined, went hisown way and inaugurated his multi-racial, African and Arab, continentalist Pan-Africanism. In fact, had Strijdom and Vorster accepted his invitation to his CIAS in1958, Nkrumah would have included Apartheid South Africa in his peculiar brand ofPan-Africanism. Nyerere, like the other Black African leaders who founded the OAUin 1963, went along with the multi-racial, continental Pan-Africanism that Nkrumahhad already set in motion in 1958. But shortly before he died, Nyerere made a case forSub-Sahara Pan-Africanism. Thus we have three of the four greatest leaders of 20thcentury Pan-Africanism in agreement, leaving Nkrumah isolated in his peculiarversion which, unfortunately, became institutionalized in the OAU.--Chinweizu-----------------------A8] Black is beautiful:a) When you say "black is beautiful" what in fact you are saying to him is:man, you are okay as you are, begin to look upon yourself as a humanbeing.–[Steve Biko, <1946-1977>, I Write What I Like, p.104]-----------------------b) I am a Negro. I make absolutely no apology for being a Negro because myGod created me to be what I am, and as I am so will I return to my God,for He knows just why He created me as He did.–[Marcus Garvey, <1887-1940>, (1923), P&O, II: 212-213]---------------------------A9] On the practice of Black Unity by upholding the "one-drop rule":a) I have seen two classes of men, born to cherish, assist, and succour oneanother—mixed in a world, and blended together . . .Blacks and Yellows[mulattos], whom the refined duplicity of Europe for a long timeendeavored to divide: you, who are now consolidated, and make but onefamily. . . [shall be] known under the general name of Blacks.....CONTINUEPan-Africanist Wisdom since Boukman- I (Dec 2013)Pan-Africanist Wisdom, 1791-2013: selection from Pan-Africanist thinkerssince Boukman--ISelected, edited and with commentary by ChinweizuDecember 2013Copyright © by Chinweizu, 2013Kwasi AkyeampongEditor/Moderator=============================What happens to your email once you send it?
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